Abstract: The concept of a ‘Gentleman’s War,’ historically rooted in propriety and genteel rules, has traditionally downplayed the critical importance of strategy and manoeuvre. As modern warfare demands more complex approaches, the French term ‘manœuvre,’ with its inherently feminine connotations, emerges as particularly significant. During the Russia-Ukraine conflict, female leaders are introducing additional dimensions to defence strategies, pushing towards strategic parity in global security discussions. These women are impacting policy and outcomes via risk assessments, alliance expansion, and security arrangements in the Euro-Atlantic zone, offering a nuanced view of global security dynamics through the prism of “Ungentlemanly Warfare.”

Problem statement: How do the strategic contributions of women in defence and diplomacy challenge traditional manoeuvre concepts in war studies?

So what?: The integration of women into high-level diplomatic and defence roles introduces critical variances in strategic thinking that align with broader societal trends. Their distinct psychobiographical and behavioural traits add new dimensions to decision-making, prompting a necessary reassessment of traditional doctrines, such as manoeuvring, to better navigate the complexities of contemporary global security environments.

Gentlemanly Warfare

The concept of “Gentlemanly Warfare,” once rooted in honour, chivalry, and aristocratic rules of engagement, has lost its relevance in the modern era of conflict. Traditional doctrines have faded from strategic discourse as hybrid warfare tactics, including cyber operations and psychological warfare, have reshaped the battlefield. Russia’s activities in Ukraine represent a break from antiquated limits via uncontrolled aggression, institutional cruelty, and open crime.[1] The Kremlin’s contempt for human life, as seen by its tolerance for high losses, demonstrates a profound lack of concern for its soldiers. Despite international scrutiny and criticism, the savagery continues unabated.[2]

The Kremlin’s contempt for human life, as seen by its tolerance for high losses, demonstrates a profound lack of concern for its soldiers.

Ukraine has committed to a manoeuvre warfare strategy focused on speed, agility, and disrupting enemy operations, all while carefully navigating the balance between a war of survival and upholding the rule of law. This approach reflects a broader commitment to caring for its residents, animals, and even Russian prisoners of war.[3] This strategy is consistent with Clausewitzian philosophy, which asserts that a nation defending its territory has a strategic advantage. In Ukraine, the advantage is inextricably linked to the people’s strong dedication to their sovereignty. However, Ukraine’s attempts have been hampered by timidity and incrementalist backing from important allies, such as the U.S. and Germany, highlighting the flaws in their long-standing partnerships.

Against this backdrop, women are altering the operational environment by introducing notably contemporary flexibility to military and diplomatic operations; however, their contributions are critically underappreciated in extant research. This mismatch poses concerns, such as underestimating the influence of sex-based characteristics and behaviours, resulting in a general lack of readiness and weakened global security systems.[4]

Ukraine’s European neighbours—particularly those headed by women—have played a critical role in helping Ukraine’s defence, influencing the regional reaction to Russia’s aggression. Gender-influenced disparities in foreign policy perspectives are significant determinants of these diverse approaches. Both men and women draw specific policy preferences from their overall postures and basic values regarding the international community, indicating a hierarchical organisation of foreign policy attitudes. However, the strategic and adaptable responses displayed by female executives and ministers in this conflict highlight the benefits of giving a platform to various viewpoints.[5]

The strategic and adaptable responses displayed by female executives and ministers in this conflict highlight the benefits of giving a platform to various viewpoints.

Notably, the Euro-Atlantic security posture has been shaken by women-led edge-case policies: Former German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s 2015 decision to open Germany’s borders to wholesale immigration; former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s behind-the-scenes manoeuvring to remove Joe Biden from the 2024 U.S. presidential race; U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris’ involvement in the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan; and Italian PM Giorgia Meloni’s emergence as a strong unitary leader among a lineup of weakened contemporaries.[6] These instances highlight the influence of female decision-makers in global security. As a result, security strategists must grasp and apply this concept to defence research. The continuous categorisation of female-led government into limited “gender” and “feminist” tracks heightens the risk of misinterpreting global security.[7]

Manoeuvre as Metaphor

The French word ‘manœuvre,’ grammatically feminine, offers a view of how sex-specific traits influence strategy and military affairs. This linguistic detail reflects broader shifts in modern defence and diplomacy, where ‘manœuvre’ serves as both a metaphor and an operational concept, capturing the complexities of contemporary warfare. Framing ‘manœuvre’ as inherently feminine enhances the metaphor to probe psychobiographical and behavioural traits in leadership as more women ascend to executive political roles.

This perspective eclipses traditional masculine constructs of security, allowing female leaders to navigate the “double bind” of balancing femininity with leadership by leveraging sex-correlated traits in decision-making. Research indicates that women in foreign policy leadership are more engaged in conflictual diplomacy and often achieve more meaningful cooperative outcomes than men.[8]

There is a distinct class of women in executive and lead ministerial roles within the Euro-Atlantic region, unified by four key variables: 1) gender, 2) geography, 3) temporality, and 4) war. These variables create a unique cohort with significant similarities, giving way to a novel diplomacy and defence studies environment. This novelty is especially evident because most female heads of state or government are the first women to hold such positions in their respective countries.

In the Euro-Atlantic region, female leaders have been instrumental in predicting and responding to Russian aggression, enacting significant foreign and domestic policy changes and fortifying bilateral and multilateral alliances.[9] They have also effectively used digital diplomacy to enhance transparency and accessibility, representing a significant shift from traditional statecraft practices.[10] Unlike Merkel, who avoided personalising her politics, the women in question have generally embraced a public-facing approach.[11]

Since 2018, 18 women have served as presidents or prime ministers globally, with Europe leading in overall female ministerial representation at 32.5%. However, only 19 of 159 defence ministries are women-led, highlighting a persistent leadership gap in traditionally male-dominated sectors. Despite this, female leaders have been pivotal in securing advanced weapons systems for Ukraine and mobilising foreign aid.[12] The appointment of women as foreign ministers in several NATO countries has further amplified their influence in global diplomacy. By the end of 2024, 27 countries will be led by women, predominantly in Europe, marking a significant shift in international relations.[13]

Despite this, female leaders have been pivotal in securing advanced weapons systems for Ukraine and mobilising foreign aid.

Female ministers, especially in defence and foreign affairs, have amplified their influence on global diplomacy. They have played pivotal roles in expanding NATO’s influence—exemplified by the inclusion of Finland and Sweden—and advancing Ukraine’s candidacy for the European Union and NATO.[14]  Their approach encompasses collaborative leadership, strategic foreign policy, adaptive decision-making, value orientation, and multidimensional risk perception.[15]

Leadership in Modern Warfare

Traditional military doctrines are under growing scrutiny as warfare shifts from organised, ‘gentlemanly’ wars to complex, multi-domain operations. Female leaders, exhibiting an ungentlemanly approach to combat, implement novel techniques such as female conscription and the deployment of all-female troops in Ukraine, deviating significantly from Euro-Atlantic standards in defence and diplomacy. [16]

These leaders transform classic concepts into a contemporary framework that blends intellectual complexity with strategic compassion. Their approach, marked by collaborative strategies and ethical considerations, provides a modern interpretation of Clausewitz’s “Conduct of War,” in which troop formation and deployment go beyond mere power to include the strategic use of all available resources, including moral and ethical ones.[17]

The tussle between female empowerment and the quest for domestic approval presents unique challenges for women in diplomacy and defence. Schramm and Stark argue that an ‘iron lady’ is more likely to emerge under conflict conditions, with history offering a few salient examples. Golda Meir, Israel’s Iron Lady, was praised by President David Ben Gurion as “the best man in government.” Margaret Thatcher, the UK’s first Iron Lady, consolidated her power and reputation during the Falklands War.[18]

From 2018 to 2024, women possessed 32% of total minister seats in Europe, although their participation in foreign affairs and defence is far lower, at 22% and 12%, respectively. Women in these crucial jobs throughout the pre-war and kinetic war years contributed substantially to foreign policy and defence choices.

The policy changes and defence initiatives taken by these female leaders emphasise the increase in the representation of women in political and defence ministry roles. This, in turn, brings sex-based traits and behaviours to governance. The critical observation is that modernised manoeuvring is prioritised over rigid adherence to static doctrines.[19]

Strategic Responses and Female Leadership in Global Power Dynamics

NATO and the international community have historically struggled to develop a cohesive deterrence strategy, resulting in an inconsistent ethical and moral stance on global security issues. NATO’s hesitancy to pursue military intervention and its lack of strategic focus on managing potential escalation exacerbated this defensive malaise. Despite efforts to strengthen power balances along NATO’s eastern border after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, European nations faced challenges in meeting their financial commitments to collective defence.[20]

However, by 2022, a shift began to take shape, driven by leaders such as Metsola, Marin, and Frederiksen, who increasingly advocated for a more proactive and unified approach to European security. Their calls for a responsibility to protect (R2P) posture marked a significant departure from the past, including full-scale defence systems and financial aid, which dimensioned traditional European security framework operations.[21]

The Biden Administration’s appeasement-lite approach to international relations—prioritising restrictions on Ukraine’s use of weapons to avoid provoking Russia over fully supporting Ukraine’s defence—has become increasingly apparent. Washington’s entangled red lines, drawn with the collaboration of Germany’s middling Olaf Scholz, have prolonged the conflict and resulted in the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives. This brand of non-escalation was ultimately exposed as a smokescreen when Ukraine took Kursk in August 2024, and Russia’s nuclear rhetoric diminished.[22]

The Biden Administration’s appeasement-lite approach to international relations has become increasingly apparent.

The issue of securing airspace over Ukraine (#CloseTheSky) has languished since 2022. This unprincipled restraint is due to U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and his “Rocking in The Free World” boss, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken; European women have worked diligently to address the disparity in airpower.[23] In contrast, Frederiksen of Denmark not only secured additional funding for Ukraine but also escalated Denmark’s commitment by supporting the delivery of warplanes. Meanwhile, Kasja Ollongren, the Dutch Minister of Defence, personally flew one of the warplanes to Ukraine, a striking gesture that resonated globally.[24] This bold act not only underscored the Netherlands’ support but also amplified the growing visibility of women in defence, fuelling viral conversations about their pivotal role in Ukraine’s prospects for victory.

Diplomat or Diplomatess?

The Russia-Ukraine War has been the apogee of female leadership in global affairs, notably regarding war management and strategic planning. This transformation in traditional diplomatic and defence roles reflects a broader societal pattern, where women are becoming increasingly pivotal in global leadership, and the line between diplomat and “diplomatess” fades. Consequently, it becomes evident that the strategic contributions of women are reshaping not only current international relations but also the future trajectory of global governance. Throughout this war, security agreements between Ukraine and European organisations (e.g., NATO, EU, OSCE, etc.) have increased in number despite severe contentious elections and political uncertainty. European leaders Roberta Metsola and Ursula von der Leyen, dubbed the “queens of European diplomacy,” successfully negotiated difficult reelections, cementing their leadership in the EU and European Parliament.[25]

“One less plane’ was former Chair of the Defence Committee of the German Bundestag Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmerman’s response to what will happen if Ukraine shoots down a Russian aircraft.[26] This moral clarity directly challenges the effect of the U.S. restrictions on weapons use, countering the stereotype that women exclusively prioritise peacemaking over strategic imperatives. Women who advocate for strength or pro-conflictual policies are often criticised as ‘hawkish’ more harshly than their male counterparts. For example, Kaja Kallas and Ursula von der Leyen were both rejected for the NATO head position—Kallas for being viewed as too ‘eastern’ and von der Leyen being labelled an aspiring wartime president.[27] However, both secured or held key diplomatic positions. Kallas became European foreign policy leader, while von der Leyen led the European Commission for a second term, emphasising their sustained importance in decision-making during the conflict.[28]

Kallas became European foreign policy leader, while von der Leyen led the European Commission for a second term, emphasising their sustained importance in decision-making during the conflict.

The Baltic Sisterhood—comprising Kaja Kallas (Estonia), Ingrida Šimonytė (Lithuania), and Evika Siliņa (Latvia)—exemplifies a unified and decisive leadership approach during these turbulent times.[29] These leaders have significantly bolstered their nations’ security, with Latvia and Estonia dedicating 24.2% and 47.8% of their defence budgets to military assistance for Ukraine, respectively.[30] In addition to increased domestic defence spending and greater contributions to NATO, their efforts in reinforcing physical and digital barriers have bolstered NATO’s Eastern flank, safeguarding their sovereignty and reaffirming the alliance’s strategic priorities.[31] Their use of public diplomacy, principally through social media, has diverged markedly from that of their male counterparts, showcasing distinct discursive patterns, sentiments, and priorities. Šimonytė was vocal in condemning Russian aggression as early as 2021, while Siliņa has consistently urged democracies to resist falling into Putin’s trap.[32]

Sanna Marin of Finland demonstrated firm resolve by criticising the naivety of EU audiences and advocating for a more decisive stance against Russia. As Paris proposed a “golden bridge” for Putin’s dignified retreat and Washington considered an “off-ramp”—both approaches aligned with Yang and Li’s research on male leaders’ conflict avoidance behaviours—Marin firmly rejected these strategies.[33]

Georgia’s President, Salome Zourabichvili, has remained a key figure in the country’s efforts to deepen connections with the EU. Despite heated political discussion and the threat of impeachment, Zourabichvili’s leadership resonates with those who support Georgia’s European ambitions. Her efforts may result in a historic transition for Georgia, even as she faces the possibility of becoming the country’s last democratically elected president—a sobering reminder of the region’s fragile democracy.[34]

Maia Sandu, President of Moldova, demonstrates the challenges and rewards of female leadership in a complicated geopolitical climate. Despite the ongoing turbulence and loss of sovereignty in Transnistria, which has been the focus of Russian aggression, Sandu has led her country toward further European integration. Her unreserved support for Ukraine and her trusted relationship with President Zelenskyy have reinforced her position as a pillar of regional stability, contributing to Eastern Europe’s long legacy of strong female leadership.[35]

Since 2019, women have led Nordic nations that have joined NATO, such as Finland (Marin) and Sweden (Andersson).[36] Frederiksen of Denmark, for example, spearheaded 20 international aid packages for Ukraine and altered national legislation to allow for female conscription. Frederiksen emphasised that “NATO will not waver in its support for Ukraine” and pledged to continue providing substantial military support and training to bring Ukraine closer to NATO.[37]

NATO will not waver in its support for Ukraine.

Under the leadership of Defence Minister Jana Černochová, Czechia has initiated significant security measures, including an ammunition funding scheme and the deployment of seized Russian reserves to bolster Ukrainian sovereignty.[38] Smaller NATO member states, such as North Macedonia—now led by a female president—have significantly increased their defence spending, more than doubling it since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This surge emphasises their commitment to harmonising with NATO standards. Similarly, Latvia, which has a female prime minister and a female foreign minister, has boosted its defence budget from 221 million euros in 2014 to 967 million euros in 2023, while Estonia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, and Slovakia have made similar expenditures.[39]

Italy’s Giorgia Meloni emerged as a preeminent global leader amid war and a highly contestable European election season.[40] Her political acumen enabled her to navigate multinational alliances and establish herself globally. At the G7 Summit, Meloni’s leadership was both symbolic and strategic. Her choice of a pink Armani suit symbolised a contemporary, feminine approach to leadership, separating herself from the austere, fascist-leaning designs of the past. Her usage of social media, notably her fun #Melodi tweet with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, strengthens her worldwide visibility.[41] Additionally, her strong concentration, precise techniques, and acute knowledge of her function and public image indicate high political acumen and astute messaging. This dynamic was evident during the European legislative elections and has continued to evolve through the strengthening relationship with Prime Minister Modi, whose landmark visit to Ukraine may well reflect her influence in fostering deeper bilateral ties.[42]

As the political landscape evolves, with pivotal shifts such as Pelosi’s bold effort to unseat Biden and the dynamic changes in Israel and Ukraine, the role of female leaders is increasingly critical. Whether in power or as leading candidates in influential nations like the U.S. and Japan, these women collectively speak for over a billion people, driving priorities like increased defence spending, adaptive foreign policy, and discerning risk perception.[43] Their growing impact needs a closer look at leadership through the lens of psychobiography, relating their strategic moves to wider geopolitical implications. Understanding the psychological and biographical elements that influence female leaders is critical, as standard intelligence tests frequently ignore the complexities of their decision-making, resulting in substantial strategic misjudgments. For example, despite its technological superiority, China has failed to understand the intentions of foreign female leaders, emphasising the need to rethink intelligence, which is hampered by insufficient Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) frameworks.[44]

Key Female Traits in Foreign Policy and Defence

Manœuvre and its feminine influence in modern warfare require an expanded analytical framework. Manoeuvring, characterised by flexibility, precision, and deliberate intent, is increasingly influenced by the psychobiography of women in leadership.[45] Alongside earlier discussions on the impact of female-specific elements and the challenge of balancing femininity with authority, this emergence of distinct sex-bound leadership traits and behaviours has a potency.[46] Recognising various psychobiographies improves our readiness for current partnerships and expands our awareness of how these distinct behaviours impact decision-making. Recent research identifies a set of leadership qualities, behaviours, and cognates that are increasingly connected with women in prominent positions in security and diplomacy. These characteristics have been systematically categorised into domains that are particularly relevant to the poly-crisis of contemporary global leadership. Analysing these traits provides a richer understanding of how female leaders transcend traditional participation in international affairs, actively redefining leadership to meet the imperatives of modern warfare and diplomacy.[47]

A strong predilection for collaborative methods is one of the most distinguishing characteristics of female leadership in these settings. These leaders prioritise the establishment of strategic alliances through coalition building, inclusive diplomatic efforts, and international discussions. Such coalition building is critical for negotiating the difficulties of global diplomacy. By integrating a diverse range of stakeholders, female leaders guarantee that the solutions developed are comprehensive and broadly supported, laying the groundwork for long-term international collaboration.

A strong predilection for collaborative methods is one of the most distinguishing characteristics of female leadership in these settings.

Moreover, female leaders frequently differentiate themselves in strategic foreign policy by taking a broader, more holistic approach. Their solutions often account for ethical concerns, human rights, and long-term global stability. This emphasis on relationship-building and constructive international participation is consistent with the ideals of “smart power,” a balanced approach that combines hard and soft power to achieve diplomatic goals. By combining governance imperatives with pragmatic strategies, these leaders create foreign policies that are not only effective but also deeply ethical.[48]

Another important distinction of women leaders in diplomacy and defence is their adaptive decision-making. The capacity to stay adaptable and sensitive in quickly changing environments is essential, particularly in the explosive battlefields of modern combat and international crises. Women leaders frequently demonstrate higher conceptual complexity, allowing them to combine various cognitive and behavioural techniques. This flexibility enables them to negotiate the unpredictable nature of global conflicts with the agility required for effective results.[49]

A pronounced value orientation also characterises the leadership styles of many women in high-level positions. Their decision-making processes are deeply anchored in caring and moral principles, emphasising justice, equity, and human rights.[50] By ensuring that their policies are grounded in these core values, female leaders make substantive contributions to global peace and stability, enriching conventional strategic frameworks with a focus on the common good.[51]

Finally, female leaders are typically recognised for their smart risk perception approach. They handle risk with a rigorous appraisal of its repercussions, considering not just immediate results but also larger social, political, and economic ramifications. This methodical approach frequently yields more sustainable and thoughtful decision-making. In crisis circumstances, women leaders are typically willing to invest liberal resources to avoid underperformance, ensuring that military and diplomatic endeavours receive appropriate backing to fulfil long-term goals.[52]

These characteristics—collaborative leadership, strategic foreign policy, adaptive decision-making, value orientation, and interdisciplinary risk perception—form a composite sketch of leadership qualities that are particularly appropriate for the current geopolitical climate and should be examined using the FPA framework. FPA provides the means for systematically investigating how individual and group leadership characteristics impact foreign policy results. As these characteristics grow increasingly common among global leaders, they indicate a shift toward a more considered and adaptive strategy for dealing with the complex difficulties of international relations and global security.

Contextualisation and Conclusion

The characteristics identified in this research highlight female leadership’s unique contributions to security and diplomacy, hence boosting the flexibility and accuracy of international relations and conflict resolution frameworks that challenge and enhance conventional global governance paradigms. While the increase of women in these positions is noteworthy, the major focus should be on how their distinct leadership characteristics add a new dimension to the study of international relations. This change emphasises the need for a larger study focus that extends outside Euro-Atlantic contexts, notably by investigating the rise of female leaders after 2018.[54]

A cautionary note about “Ungentlemanly Warfare” is the possibility of terrible effects if decision-makers’ psychobiographies are not thoroughly grasped. For example, Angela Merkel’s immigration strategy, which was first portrayed as a humanitarian effort, resulted in huge demographic shifts throughout Europe, causing social and political upheaval.[55] Similarly, Ursula von der Leyen’s immigration policies have sparked significant reaction, affecting the region’s political scene.[56] Pelosi’s behind-the-scenes manoeuvring has also been criticised for weakening democratic procedures, while Truss’ brief and turbulent time as British Prime Minister demonstrates the dangers of mismatched leadership choices.[57] These examples demonstrate the necessity of understanding leaders’ motives and decision-making frameworks in order to foresee the long-term effects of their actions.

Harris’s operating code, particularly in contrast to other leaders, is marked by perceived social anxieties and a relatively low level of conceptual complexity.[58] Her thin record of achievement, burdened by the challenges of the Biden-Harris administration’s immigration policies, and limited experience in key areas such as U.S.-China relations, underscores the weaknesses in her foreign policy approach. While not without potential, her contributions often appear constrained by a lack of strategic depth and notable security challenges. She accepts responsibility for the Afghanistan debacle as the ‘last person in the room’ during Biden’s decision to withdraw, which had disastrous consequences: billions of dollars in abandoned military equipment, the tragic loss of 13 U.S. soldiers, the chagrin of NATO allies who had been part of the mission since 2001, the silencing and subjugation of Afghan women, a weakened U.S. posture globally, and the emboldening of malign forces, including Russia.[59] Allies should look at this as a case study of Harris’ leadership potential.

Harris’s operating code, particularly in contrast to other leaders, is marked by perceived social anxieties and a relatively low level of conceptual complexity.

Furthermore, she has continued to signal her misinterpretation of the situation in Gaza, therefore hindering a vital U.S. ally, Israel.[60] By qualitative standards, she would not fall in the category of high-level female operatives in the international relations and defence domains. These formalised foreign policy judgments are part of a comprehensive and alarming dossier of incompetence, demonstrating her incapacity to negotiate complexity.

The use of gender as a critical lens in FPA is becoming increasingly important. However, conventional frameworks frequently fail to incorporate the perspectives and consequences of female diplomats and defence executives. As security studies progress, it is critical to identify women’s participation not just as a question of fairness but also as a strategic asset capable of improving the success of global security plans, particularly through “La Manoeuvre.”

Leadership psychobiography and behaviours can also highlight possible inadequacies in conventional intelligence models. Traditional techniques often highlight technical skills and may struggle to comprehend female leaders’ complex decision-making processes when they differ from established standards. While some countries thrive in gathering technical intelligence, they may struggle to effectively analyse the strategic purpose of female leaders, highlighting the need for more complete leadership analysis.

Incorporating psychobiographical methodologies, cultural assessments, and multidisciplinary frameworks can provide more insight into female leaders’ motives and strategies. These alternate techniques give a more comprehensive view of leadership, ensuring that assessments are particular, multilayered, and context-based. Integrating these characteristics into policy and intelligence frameworks can result in more sophisticated global security plans that are better prepared to face the challenges of the twenty-first century.

Incorporating psychobiographical methodologies, cultural assessments, and multidisciplinary frameworks can provide more insight into female leaders’ motives and strategies.

In today’s complicated terrain of international warfare and diplomacy, female leaders use the art of manoeuvring in ways that differ from previous methods. By widening the scope of strategic thought, they confront the varied difficulties of modern combat and diplomacy while expressing their distinct viewpoints. These leaders help deepen our knowledge of power and leadership by managing global security concerns via collaborative methods, strategic vision, adaptive decision-making, and a strong ethical orientation.

Their effect shows a shift in how to think about “Ungentlemanly Warfare”—not as a dramatic departure, but as an evolution in strategic thinking that includes a broader spectrum of leadership styles. In this environment, manoeuvre goes beyond the military realm to incorporate alliance orchestration, diplomacy, and ethical concerns, providing a broader framework for reaching strategic parity in a globalised world.

 

 

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Amber Brittain-Hale, PhD, is an expert in international relations with a focus on foreign policy, geopolitics, and diplomacy. At BrainStates Inc., she leverages academic research to address global leadership challenges. The views contained in this article are the author’s alone and do not represent those of BrainStates Inc.

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[3] United Nations Human Rights Council, (2023), “Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine (A/HRC/52/62),” Human Rights Council, Fifty-second session, Agenda item 4: Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention, https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/coiukraine/A_HRC_52_62_AUV_EN.pdf.

[4] K. Smith, “Missing in analysis: Women in foreign policy–making,” Foreign Policy Analysis, https://doi.org/10.1093/FPA/ORZ019; M. Berg, and E. Bazail-Eimil, “How Ukraine’s ‘high-stakes game’ changes the war,” Politico,August 21, 2024, https://www.politico.com/newsletters/national-security-daily/2024/08/21/how-ukraines-high-stakes-game-changes-the-war-00175417.

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[6] A. Amante, (2023, March 21), “Italy’s Meloni ready to risk unpopularity over support for Ukraine,” Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/italys-meloni-ready-risk-unpopularity-over-support-ukraine-2023-03-21/;

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[9] Under the Vilnius framework, Ukraine secured ten-year security agreements with twenty partners, including all G7 members and various European nations, reflecting a broad commitment to its defence needs. Soldatenko, M. (2024, July 8). Getting Ukraine’s security agreements right. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2024/07/getting-ukraines-security-agreements-right?lang=en.

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[12] A. C. Alexander and F. Jalalzai, (2020), “Symbolic empowerment and female heads of states and government: A global, multilevel analysis,” Politics, Groups, and Identities, 8(1), 1-20, https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1441034.

[13] Bosnia and Herzegovina, Denmark, Estonia, France, Georgia, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Republic of Moldova, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Switzerland; UN Women. (2024, June). Poster: Women political leaders 2024. UN Women Headquarters. https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2024/06/poster-women-political-leaders-2024; Mexico will welcome its first female president, Dr. Claudia Sheinbaum in October.

[14] P. Chatterjee, “Are Sweden and Finland going from neutral to NATO?,” BBC News, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-61397478.

[15] Mokat et al., (2022).

[16] Denmark plans to expand conscription to women for the first time, joining Norway and Sweden as the only European countries with female conscription policies. Beyond Europe, Ukraine, Israel, India, and the U.S. also employ some all-female military units, further demonstrating a shift in military structures globally. J. M. Olsen, (2024, March 13), “Denmark plans to expand military draft to women for the first time and extend service terms,” Associated Press, https://apnews.com/article/denmark-conscription-men-women-defense-military-service-182028ad1d0dafa0dd17f5ca0eaebff1; M. Loukou, (2020, November 02), How can the United States move toward gender-neutral special forces? Lessons from the Norwegian military, Marine Corps University Press, https://doi.org/10.36304/ExpwMCUP.2020.06.

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[22] Global cooperation can enhance diplomatic success, strengthen alliances, and improve international standing. Conversely, decisions that strain these relationships may result in long-term geopolitical challenges and diplomatic tensions (Krymets et al., 2024).

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[24] During high-level discussions, Danish and Dutch officials led the initiative to supply F-16 fighter jets to Ukraine, with NATO members Belgium and Norway also joining the effort. Between these four nations, 79 F-16 jets were pledged, marking a significant contribution to Ukraine’s defence. This collective support was crucial in bolstering Kyiv’s military capabilities, and the first group of F-16s arrived in Ukraine on August 1, 2024. Notably, during Marin’s administration, Finland also discussed the potential of supplying F/A-18 Hornet combat aircraft to Ukraine; Ministerie van Defensie, (2024, April 17), “Minister Ollongren levert F-16’s af bij trainingscentrum in Roemenië (video),” https://www.defensie.nl/actueel/nieuws/2024/04/17/minister-ollongren-levert-f-16s-af-bij-trainingscentrum-in-roemenie; Hajo Boomgaarden, Mark Boukes, and Aurora Iorgoveanu, (2016), “Image Versus Text: How Newspaper Reports Affect Evaluations of Political Candidates,” International Journal of Communication, 10. 2529-2555.

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[28] S. Lua, (2024, August 15), “Mark Rutte’s first NATO task: Find a right-hand woman,” Politico, https://www.politico.eu/article/mark-rutte-first-nato-task-find-right-hand-woman-deputy/; B. Moens and J. Barigazzi, (2024, March 21), “Von der Leyen wants to be a wartime president, Politico, https://www.politico.eu/article/ursula-von-der-leyen-wartime-president-ukraine-europe-election/; J. D. Kertzer, M. Holmes, B. L.  LeVeck, and C. Wayne, “Hawkish biases and group decision making,” International Organization, 76(3), 513-548, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818322000017; N. Kim and A. Kang, “External threat environments and individual bias against female leaders,” Political Science Research and Methods, 10, 1-17, https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2020.54.

[29] VOA News, (2022, February 13), “NATO Chief Stoltenberg Departure Plan Relaunches Succession Race,” VOA News, https://www.voanews.com/a/nato-chief-stoltenberg-departure-plan-relaunches-succession-race/6959854.html.

[30] NATO, (2023a), “Defence spending – Allies annual national reports as of December 2023,” GDP data from OECD Economic Outlook (29 November 2023) and European Economic Forecast from DG ECFIN.

[31] R. Heath and D. M. Herszenhorn, “Estonian PM calls for strong sanctions and ‘strategic patience’ in Moscow,” Politico, https://www.politico.com/news/2022/02/01/estonia-prime-minister-sanctions-moscow-00004082.

[32] E. Silina, (2024),  in an interview with D. Brennan, (2024, February 21), “NATO must “wake up” to Putin’s trap, Russia’s neighbour warns,” Newsweek, https://www.newsweek.com/nato-wake-putin-trap-russia-neighbor-latvia-1871886; I. Yang and L. Li, (2017), “It is not fair that you do not know we have problems’: Perceptual distance and the consequences of male leaders’ conflict avoidance behaviours,” European Management Journal.

[33] R. Husu,  [@RikhardHusu], (2022, October 07), “Finnish Prime Minister Sanna Marin was asked about a potential off-ramp for Russia to end the war in Ukraine,” Her reply: [Tweet]. X. https://x.com/RikhardHusu/status/1578308226709590017?s=20.

[34] S. Zourabichvili, (2022, May 30), “President Zourabichvili’s speech at the New Security Architecture for Europe Conference [Speech audio recording],” https://president.ge/index.php?m=206&appeals_id=293; European Parliament, (2023, May 31), “President Zourabichvili of Georgia: We want to reunite with our European family,” European Parliament Press Releases PLENARY SESSION, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20230524IPR91904/president-zourabichvili-of-georgia-we-want-to-reunite-with-our-european-family.

[35] V. Zelenskyy, [@ZelenskyyUa], (2024, January 11), “I met with @KajaKallas to thank Estonia for its willingness to continue providing military and financial assistance to Ukraine in the coming years,” [Tweet], X, https://x.com/ZelenskyyUa/status/1745431322892362055; V. Zelenskyy, [@ZelenskyyUa], (2024, April 30), “I thank Latvia and Prime Minister @EvikaSilina for today’s decision to provide a new military aid package focusing on additional air defense and drone systems,” [Tweet], X, https://x.com/ZelenskyyUa/status/1785348162791596429.

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[43] Worldometer, (2024), “European countries by population (2024),” retrieved August 08, 2024, https://www.worldometers.info/population/countries-in-europe-by-population/.

[44] Scholars like McDermott and Hermann have contributed valuable insights into how personal traits and life experiences can predict political behaviour, providing a solid framework for analysing leadership; McDermott, R. (2004). Political psychology in international relations. University of Michigan Press.; Margaret G. Hermann’s work on leadership style and decision-making offers significant insights into political psychology. Her “Assessing Leadership Style: A Trait Analysis” provides foundational approaches to understanding leaders’ behaviours (Hermann, 2002; 2005). Additionally, Hermann’s collaboration with others explores how leadership impacts international decision-making and foreign policy (Hermann, 1998; 1989; 2001). Her later work continues to emphasise the influence of leaders in foreign policy contexts (Hermann, 2019); Sanger, David E., and Mary K. Brooks. The New Cold Wars. New York: Penguin Random House, 2024. ISBN-10: 0593443594; ISBN-13: 978-0593443590; The Economist. “China’s Rulers Are Surprised by Kamala Harris and Tim Walz,” August 18, 2024, https://www.economist.com/china/2024/08/18/chinas-rulers-are-surprised-by-kamala-harris-and-tim-walz.

[45] C. Rabini, K. Brummer, K. Dimmroth and M. Hansel, (2020), “Profiling foreign policy leaders in their own language: New insights into the stability and formation of leadership traits,” The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 22(2), 256-273, https://doi.org/10.1177/1369148120910984; C. LoSasso and M. D.  Young, (2024), “Faith renewed: Validation of the LTA_Classic conceptual complexity coding scheme,” Foreign Policy Analysis, 20(3), orae019, https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orae019; S. Westfall and D. Moriarty, (2024, August 22), “How many women presidents and prime ministers have served in your lifetime?,” The Washington Post, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/interactive/2024/women-global-leaders/?utm_source=twitter&utm_campaign=wp_main&utm_medium=social.
[46] M. G. Hermann and J. D. Hagan, (1998), “International decision making: Leadership matters,” Foreign Policy, 110, 124, https://doi.org/10.2307/1149281; HM. G. Hermann and C. F. Hermann, (1989), “Who makes foreign policy decisions and how: An empirical inquiry,” International Studies Quarterly, 33(4), 361-387, https://doi.org/10.2307/2600518; M. G. Hermann, T. Preston, B. Korany, and T. M. Shaw, (2001), “Who leads matters: The effects of powerful individuals,” International Studies Review, 3(2), 83-131, https://doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.00235.

[47] Aggestam et al., (2020); A. Post and P. Sen, (2020), “Why can’t a woman be more like a man? Female leaders in crisis bargaining,” International Interactions, 46, 1-27, https://doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2019.1683008.Female leaders often prioritise empathy and collaboration in their communication, particularly during crises. This approach highlights their focus on nonviolent conflict resolution and fostering international solidarity; A. Brittain-Hale, (2024), “She Speaks for Millions: The Emergence of Female Diplomatic Voices in the Russo-Ukrainian War,” Athens Journal of Social Sciences, 11(3), 161-180, https://doi.org/10.30958/ajss.11-3-2.

[48] D. Fite, M. Genest, and C. Wilcox, (1990), “Gender differences in foreign policy attitudes,” American Politics Research, 18, 492-513, https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X9001800406.

[49] K. Aggestam and L. E.  Holmgren, “The gender-resilience nexus in peacebuilding: The quest for sustainable peace,” Palgrave Macmillan, https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-022-00269-9; “Leadership experience is determining factor in conflict decision-making,” J. D. Kertzer, K. E. Powers, B. C. Rathbun, and R. Iyer, (2014), “Moral support: How moral values shape foreign policy attitudes,” The Journal of Politics, 76(3), 825-840, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381614000073; A. Brittain-Hale, Care and community in Euro-Atlantic diplomacy: A discourse analysis. Athens Journal of Social Sciences. (In press)

[50] Kathleen E. Powers, et al., “What’s Fair in International Politics? Equity, Equality, and Foreign Policy Attitudes,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 66 (2021): 217 – 245; R. Stoll, R. Eichenberg, and M. Lizotte, (2022), “The impact of personal security dispositions on citizen support for the pursuit of gender equality in US foreign policy,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 67, 923-950, https://doi.org/10.1177/00220027221124237.

[51]  Ibid; Hermann, 2002, 2019; Women’s participation in decision-making and conflict resolution is essential for the effective implementation of R2P. This includes recognizing women as both actors in need of protection and active agents in preventing and responding to mass atrocities.

[52] Schramm & Stark, 2020; L. Krymets, N. Logvinenko, O. Nedvyha, I. Pidopryhora, and V. Chornyi, (2024), “Ethical dimensions of leadership in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war,” Amazonia Investiga, 13(75), 248-261, https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2024.75.03.21.

[53] Adapted from Brittain-Hale, (2025).

[54] P. Shea and C. Christian, (2017), “The impact of women legislators on humanitarian military interventions,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 61, 2043-2073, https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002716631105.

[55] J. Dostal, (2017), “The German Federal Election of 2017: How the Wedge Issue of Refugees and Migration Took the Shine off Chancellor Merkel and Transformed the Party System,” The Political Quarterly, 88, 589-602, https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12445.; B. Laubenthal, “Refugees Welcome? Reforms of German Asylum Policies Between 2013 and 2017 and Germany’s Transformation into an Immigration Country,” German Politics, 28, 412 – 425, https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2018.1561872.

[56] F. Baccini, “The political legacy of von der Leyen I to von der Leyen II on migration is the culmination of the securitarian narrative,” EUNews, https://www.eunews.it/en/2024/06/27/the-political-legacy-of-von-der-leyen-i-to-von-der-leyen-ii-on-migration-is-the-culmination-of-the-securitarian-narrative/.

[57] M. Z. Barabak, “Column: Pelosi on Biden ouster: ‘I just wanted to win this election. So if they’re upset, I’m sorry for them,” Los Angeles Times, https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2024-08-19/pelosi-biden-ouster-dnc-election; F. Cranmer, “October 2022 to January 2023,” Ecclesiastical Law Journal, 25, 247 – 254, https://doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x23000133; D. Marsh, “Britain’s Failed Attempt at Monetary and Fiscal Exceptionalism,” The Economists’ Voice, 20, 119 – 130, https://doi.org/10.1515/ev-2023-0021.

[58] R. Annisa, M. C. A.  Sembiring, and A. B. Perangin-Angin, “A psycholinguistic analysis on speech errors made by Kamala Harris,” RADIANT Journal of Applied, Social, and Education Studies, 3(2), 88-104, https://doi.org/10.52187/rdt.v3i2.111; Rf. Medeiros, “A formação discursiva e a construção do ethos no discurso de vitória de Kamala Harris,” REDIS: REVISTA DE ESTUDOS DO DISCURSO, https://doi.org/10.21747/21833958/red11a7.; M. Schafer, S. G. Walker, C. Besaw, P. Gill, and S. G. Smith, “Psychological correlates and US conflict behavior: The PsyCL data set. In Operational code analysis and foreign policy roles (1st ed., pp. 25),” Routledge, https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003131021.

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