Abstract: The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) ‘anti-radical’ policies have resulted in the trampling of the rights of the Uyghur people. There are suggestions for what the world should do, such as holding the PRC accountable through diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and independent probes.

Problem statement: What are the impacts of Chinese counter-terrorism measures on the Uyghur minority?

So what?: The international community should take collective action to address human rights violations in Xinjiang. Diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and independent investigations are essential to holding China accountable and ensuring the protection of Uyghur rights. Policymakers must find ways to balance security concerns with human rights to prevent further abuses and promote long-term stability.

The Uyghurs and Xinjiang

Xinjiang is the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) largest autonomous territory.[1] It borders Russia, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Afghanistan, as well as the Kashmir region, which the PRC, India, and Pakistan jointly control. It is considered the PRC’s only Central Asian province.[2] The province has abundant natural gas and oil reserves. The area is inhabited by the Uyghur minority, who speak Turkic and practice Islam. In addition to the Uyghurs, the population of Xinjiang primarily consists of other Muslim minority communities, including Kazakhs, Mongols, and Hui. Additionally, smaller communities comprising ethnic minorities such as Tajiks and Kyrgyz exist.[3] The Uyghur ethnic group residing in Xinjiang, PRC, has been a focal point of substantial apprehensions regarding human rights, explicitly concerning counter-terrorism and measures against violent extremism. A contemporary instance that underscores these concerns is the ongoing controversy surrounding the alleged use of forced labour in Xinjiang’s cotton industry. In 2022, the U.S. implemented the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, which bans imports from Xinjiang unless companies can prove their supply chains are free of forced labour. This act has sparked international debate and put pressure on global brands to scrutinise their supply chains, highlighting the intersection of human rights concerns, economic interests, and geopolitical tensions surrounding the Uyghur situation in Xinjiang. Regarding human rights, explicitly concerning counter-terrorism and measures against violent extremism.

The Uyghur ethnic group residing in Xinjiang, PRC, has been a focal point of substantial apprehensions regarding human rights, explicitly concerning counter-terrorism and measures against violent extremism.

The Chinese government has enacted a range of policies that have resulted in extensive and organised infringements of human rights against the Uyghurs and other primarily Muslim minority groups in the area. These policies include:

• The “Strike Hard Campaign against Violent Terrorism” launched in 2014, intensifying security measures and surveillance in Xinjiang;
• The Xinjiang Police Files, revealed in 2022, document the internment of Uyghurs and other minorities in “re-education” camps;
• The implementation of a vast digital surveillance system, including facial recognition technology and mandatory collection of biometric data;
• Restrictions on religious practices, such as banning certain Islamic names for children and limiting fasting during Ramadan;
• Policies promoting the “sinicisation” of religion aimed at aligning religious practices with secular Chinese Communist Party ideology;
• Labour transfer programs that have been accused of involving elements of forced labour; and
• Family planning policies that allegedly involve forced sterilisation and birth control measures targeting Uyghur women.

These policies, implemented under the pretence of combating terrorism and promoting economic development, have been widely criticised by international human rights organisations for their disproportionate impact on Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang. The violations encompassed in this list consist of mass arbitrary detention, torture, enforced disappearances, extensive surveillance, cultural and religious persecution, family separation, coerced labour, and infringements on reproductive rights.[4] Citizens “are entitled to freedom of religious belief,” according to the PRC’s constitution, which cites Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership.[5] However, protections for religious practice are restricted to “normal religious activities,” a term that remains vaguely defined in official documents. This ambiguity allows for selective interpretation and enforcement.

For instance, according to the U.S. State Department’s 2021 Report on International Religious Freedom for China: “the constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to ‘normal religious activities’ without defining ‘normal.’ The constitution bans the state, public organisations, and individuals from compelling citizens to believe in, or not believe in, any religion.”[6]

Furthermore, a 2018 white paper by China’s State Council Information Office titled “China’s Policies and Practices on Protecting Freedom of Religious Belief” states: “The state protects normal religious activities, manages religious affairs following the law, adheres to the principle of independence and self-management, actively guides religions to adapt to the socialist society, and unites religious believers and non-believers to the greatest extent.”[7] However, the document does not clearly define “normal religious activities,” leaving room for authorities to interpret them subjectively.

The state protects normal religious activities, manages religious affairs following the law, adheres to the principle of independence and self-management, actively guides religions to adapt to the socialist society, and unites religious believers and non-believers to the greatest extent.

This ambiguity in defining “normal religious activities” has been criticised by human rights organisations to selectively restrict religious practices, particularly for minority groups like the Uyghurs in Xinjiang.[8]

As per the U.S. government, since April 2017, in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), more than one million Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, Hui, and members of other Muslim groups.[9] Alongside, some Christians have been detained following the regional counter-extremism policy and the national counter-terrorism law. According to academic and NGO estimates, it reports that authorities are holding more people in their internment camps and their related facilities than ever before, which were once prisons.[10]

The Australian Strategic Policy Institute found that using satellite imagery data, between 2017 and 2021, the government completed or expanded 385 internment centres, at least 61 of them from July 2019 to July 2020, and five were completed within that same year.[11]

Historical Overview

The Uyghur people live in Central Asia and have a long and exciting history. The indigenous population of Xinjiang consisted of Turkic speakers who migrated from Mongolia during the 9th century. Modern Uyghurs trace their ancestry to this group. The ethnic composition of Turkic peoples is complex, and names have changed throughout history, making the term Uyghur particularly difficult.[12] The Chinese exerted influence in the region as early as the tenth century, but power firmly established Chinese rule in the eighteenth century.

Xinjiang’s meaning, “New Frontier,” was first used in 1768.[13] East Turkistan, also known as Shinkiang or the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, is home to the Uyghur people. As per the Chinese official statement, the current estimate of the Uyghur population is 8,345,622 million, based on the PRC’s most recent census. However, the Uyghurs have a population of over twenty million. In West Turkistan, which includes Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, there are also 1,500,000 Uyghurs.[14] Pakistan, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Europe, Canada, and the U.S. are home to about 75,000 Uyghurs.[15]

The Uyghur people in Xinjiang have a history woven together of migration, cultural change, and interactions with different kingdoms that have shaped who they are today. As they settled among the oasis-based communities of the Tarim Basin, this movement significantly changed their culture.[16] Over the years, the Uyghurs took many parts of their culture from nearby groups, resulting in a complex web of customs and ways of life. Becoming Muslims in the 10th century made their cultural and religious identity even more different from that of the Buddhist and Shamanist groups that had lived in the area before.

The Uyghur people in Xinjiang have a history woven together of migration, cultural change, and interactions with different kingdoms that have shaped who they are today.

During the Tang Dynasty, the Uyghurs were valuable allies and trade partners. Later, their relationship with Chinese rulers changed from subjects to enemies, often reflecting the changing nature of world politics simultaneously. Several underlying factors drove this shift:

• Cultural and Religious Differences: The Islamic influence in the domestic culture of the Uyghur people intensified the schism with the Han Chinese-controlled central authorities;
• Economic Disparities: The development of natural resources in Xinjiang resulted in a greater flow of Han Chinese regarding demography and investment, which saw the Uyghur feel neglected, hence developing a lot of resentment;
• Growing Political Autonomy: Aspirations for more Uyghur self-determination destabilised the Chinese state and its goals of preserving unity;
• Geopolitical Influences: Some Uyghurs did have similar aspirations after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the Central Asian Republic’s independence during the early 1990s;
• Security Concerns: Sporadic acts of violence and disturbances in the Xinjiang province resulted in an ever-tightening clampdown on the population by the Chinese government, which brought about a cycle of hostility and distrust; and
• Global Context: The threat of international terrorism of the early twenty-first century could be included and Uyghur separatism framed as part of it.

All these developments, working together, changed the nature of Uyghur-Chinese rulers’ interaction from relatively tolerant to increasingly oppressive, as in many other states, where ethnic and religious differences came to the fore within nation-states.

These hundreds of years have changed greatly in the formation of the Uyghur identity, as they have been formed based on the religion and culture of Central Asia and drastically differ from the Han Chinese. Over the following centuries, the Uyghur Dynasty had the same history as any other Dynasty of their times, and they shared a love-hate relationship with the Chinese Dynasties in which they frequently rose against them and became their vassals. While incorporated into the Chinese domain during the eighteenth century under the Qing dynasty, the region continued to be inhabited by Turkic-speaking Uyghur people, who remained resentful of Chinese rule and dreamed of independence. Jumping to the narrative of nearly a millennium forward, these centuries have asserted much of what it is to be Uyghur in the contemporary period. It has been developed based on the religious and cultural values of Central Asian origin rather than Han Chinese culture.

In the modern era, particularly since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the relationship between the Uyghurs and the Chinese state has entered a new phase, characterised by increasing tensions and the implementation of strict policies aimed at integration and control.  These hundreds of years have significantly shaped the Uyghur identity, which is based on religious and cultural customs from Central Asia and is very different from Han Chinese culture. As we move into the 20th century, the Uyghur people faced new challenges and opportunities that would further define their struggle for identity and autonomy.

Transformation and Struggles

To comprehend the development and situation in the region today, it is necessary to remember the key historical changes and the ethnic grouping’s fight for a better life in the past century. The change that impacted the Uyghurs in China and Xinjiang was particularly geopolitical after overthrowing the Qing dynasty in the early twentieth century. In the aftermath of this, the region had no leaders. This positioning offered Uyghur leaders a brief chance to at least attempt to prove their liberation. East Turkestan had two meaningless governments during the period between 1933 and 1946. In this case, such experience confirmed that the Uyghurs have been keen to be available for quite a long time. However, these states did not last long because warlords, the Chinese Nationalist Government, and the Soviet Union quickly dragged the area into bigger fights.[17] There were many changes, but the Uyghur people kept their identity strong because they were Muslim and came from Central Asia. During this time, there were many significant changes in culture and society. Modernising education and encouraging Uyghur culture and arts were examples. This period saw a renaissance in Uyghur literature, with authors like Abdurrahim Ötkür gaining prominence for works celebrating Uyghur history and identity. Additionally, traditional Uyghur music and dance, such as the Twelve Muqam, a complex system of melodic modes and musical styles, experienced renewed interest and preservation efforts, contributing to a distinct Uyghur cultural revival in the early to mid-20th century. These were crucial to Uyghur nationalism.

The Uyghur people kept their identity strong because they were Muslim and came from Central Asia.

When the Chinese people established the PRC in 1949, the Communist government controlled Xinjiang, making it more challenging for Uyghurs to gain freedom. Xinjiang changed significantly under the new regime through initiatives such as the implementation of collectivisation policies, the promotion of Mandarin Chinese language education, the establishment of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps to increase Han Chinese settlement, and the integration of local economies into the national planned economic system, all aimed at uniting ethnic groups within the communist system and strengthening national unity.

Land reforms, the closing down of faith-based groups, and efforts to move people around by urging the Han Chinese to move significantly affected the area’s people and culture.[18] In Uyghur society, people disliked these rules because they believed they were against their religion and culture, which made them want to fight more. The situation worsened during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) when the Chinese authorities severely restricted people’s beliefs and cultural expressions. It was a time when the government tested Uyghurs’ sense of cultural identity. It was also a place where people who disagreed with measures they saw as attempting to destroy their culture came together. Because of this challenging time, things work the way they do now in Xinjiang. Independence, culture preservation, and political equality are still very touchy.[19]

Chinese Counter-Terrorism Policies

They viewed their policies as imperative not only in the establishment of vocational education and training centres but also in the implementation of very severe supervision and continuous improvement of their work to effectively protect human rights in a bid to curb all forms of turmoil or the collapse of stability and prosperity in Xinjiang.[20] The government officers define this approach as part of a more general strategy to eliminate terrorism, separatism, and extremism, which Beijing considers not only a threat to regional peace but also a violation of national integrity. According to official statements, such measures have boosted the region’s economic development and social harmony.[21] This view is at the opposite pole of the concerns expressed by international human rights bodies and the Uyghur diaspora, and it could certainly lay the groundwork for a new analysis that can expect a more nuanced understanding of these crosscutting issues regarding counter-terrorism efforts and human rights observance. Indeed, with such nuance, it becomes possible to maintain a balanced discourse on the PRC’s policies in Xinjiang and make the following comparative insights.

The government officers define this approach as part of a more general strategy to eliminate terrorism, separatism, and extremism, which Beijing considers not only a threat to regional peace but also a violation of national integrity.

The PRC is pushing down the Uyghur people in Xinjiang in a wide range of ways. Key strategies used by the campaign include targeted prejudice based on identity, mass incarceration, close surveillance, forced sterilisations, forced labour, and forced integration. Uyghurs cannot freely follow their religion, communicate their language, or show other essential parts of their identity. There are limits to many parts of life, such as what one can wear, say, eat, and learn. The PRC keeps a close eye on Uyghur religious institutions. Even simple acts like praying or visiting a mosque may be grounds for arrest or detention. PRC has established a system of arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance.[22] Approximately one million Uyghurs were kept by the Chinese government in detention centres for reasons related to religion, international relations, communication, or studying at a Western university.  The focus on Western universities likely stems from the government’s concerns about foreign influence and ideologies perceived as threatening to state control. However, the scope of detentions is not limited to these specific areas. According to the government’s broad and often opaque criteria, it can include individuals from various backgrounds and professions deemed potential threats to state security or social stability. The Chinese government has defended the camps as “vocational training centres” aimed at combating violent extremism.[23] According to leaked government documents, the state does indeed target people based on religious observances, such as praying or growing a beard, as well as family background.[24]

PRC Policies and Violations

The PRC has implemented an extensive surveillance system in Xinjiang, including facial recognition technology, mandatory collection of biometric data, and a dense network of checkpoints. This pervasive monitoring severely restricts Uyghurs’ freedom of movement and privacy. Reports indicate that over a million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities have been detained in what the Chinese government calls “vocational training centres.” Human rights organisations argue these are internment camps where detainees face political indoctrination, forced labour, and cultural assimilation.

Reports indicate that over a million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities have been detained in what the Chinese government calls “vocational training centres.”

The PRC has imposed strict controls on religious practices, including the destruction of mosques, bans on certain Islamic practices, and the forced consumption of pork and alcohol during religious festivals. There are credible allegations of Uyghurs being coerced into labour programs, both within Xinjiang and in other parts of China, raising concerns about global supply chains. Policies leading to the separation of Uyghur children from their families, often through the guise of education programs, have been reported.

There are accusations of forced sterilisation and birth control measures targeting Uyghur women, which some have characterised as a form of demographic genocide. The mandatory installation of spyware on mobile devices and the collection of digital communications data have further eroded privacy and freedom of expression.

These policies and actions, justified by the PRC as necessary for counterterrorism and economic development, have been widely criticised by the international community as severe human rights violations. The following sections will delve deeper into these issues, examining their implementation, impact, and global response.

Ethical Dilemmas in Counter-terrorism Operations

The Uyghur issue highlights significant ethical dilemmas in counter-terrorism. The Chinese government justifies its actions in Xinjiang as necessary to combat terrorism, separatism, and religious extremism. However, experts and human rights groups argue that these measures are repressive and violate fundamental human rights. Key ethical questions include:

• Mass Surveillance: The extensive surveillance system in Xinjiang, involving facial recognition, checkpoints, and informants, raises concerns about privacy and freedom;[25]
• Arbitrary Detentions: The detention of over one million Uyghurs and other Muslim groups in re-education camps under the guise of counter-terrorism has drawn severe criticism;[26] and
• Cultural Suppression: Restrictions on religious practices, cultural expressions, and everyday life for Uyghurs have led to accusations of cultural genocide.[27]

Cultural suppression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang has been extensive and multifaceted, leading to accusations of cultural genocide. The Chinese government has imposed severe restrictions on religious practices, including the closure and destruction of mosques, bans on Islamic attire such as headscarves and long beards, and limitations on fasting during Ramadan. Furthermore, the Uyghur language has been marginalised in education and public life, with Mandarin Chinese promoted as the primary language of instruction in schools. Traditional Uyghur cultural expressions, including music, literature, and festivals, have also faced restrictions or been co-opted for state-approved presentations, effectively diluting their cultural significance and authenticity.

Political, International, and Human Rights Issues in Xinjiang

The PRC’s government wants to keep the country safe and in order in Xinjiang. When the PRC talks to other countries, it often mentions this reason. The Chinese government says the steps it is taking are needed to keep people safe from “terrorism,” “separatism,” and “religious extremism.”[28] The PRC says these risks not only put the safety and well-being of the people in Xinjiang at risk, but they also hurt the honour of the PRC. The government has done many things to fight these threats.[29] For instance, the Chinese government claims that vocational training centres enable Uyghurs to gain an education and a career while preventing radicalisation. PRC officials, including Xinjiang’s regional government spokespersons and state media outlets, assert that this approach helps reduce crime and boost local businesses and residents. These centres are associated with other policies aimed at economic development and social stability. According to statements from the Chinese State Council and Xinjiang’s regional government, these efforts have reduced crime and increased economic growth. However, international observers, human rights organisations, and many foreign governments do not necessarily agree with this characterisation. They argue that this narrative obscures the true nature of events in Xinjiang, including widespread human rights violations.[30]

The PRC says these risks not only put the safety and well-being of the people in Xinjiang at risk, but they also hurt the honour of the PRC.

Xinjiang is viewed differently in the PRC and elsewhere. These include the U.N., human rights groups, and several state governments. They are concerned about how these groups treat Uyghurs and have often notified the Chinese government that it violates their human rights. There are reports of mass arbitrary detentions in “re-education camps,” stringent religious and cultural constraints, forced work, and wrongdoings in the name of battling terrorism and extremism.[31] These things make people worried. Several studies and human rights groups have called on the U.N. to be more open and follow human rights rules worldwide.[32] Human rights groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have clarified that they keep track of abuses they say have happened and want everyone to be responsible. One country that has called what is going on in Xinjiang murder and crimes against humanity is the U.S. They have also asked people from all over the world to look into it and make sure there are consequences.[33] All these outside perspectives demonstrate how important it is for the international community to uphold the human rights of the Uyghur people while also considering safety concerns.

Understanding Xinjiang through the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and other international human rights rules is crucial. Beijing joined the ICCPR, which means it will comply with its rules even though it is not a party. Due process, freedom of religion, and free speech are crucial to the ICCPR. Uyghur people in these re-education camps are still determining China’s plan for Xinjiang. Article 18 of the ICCPR protects the right to think, feel, and believe what one wants. Authorities in Xinjiang impose many years of imprisonment and restrictions on religious activities and beliefs. The same applies to Article 19, which protects free speech.[34] It is essential when only some people speak or understand Uyghur.

The situation in Xinjiang has raised significant international concern among human rights organisations, some governments, and segments of the public who are aware of the issue. However, it’s important to note that awareness and understanding of the situation vary widely. Many people, especially those not directly affected or involved in human rights work, may have limited or no knowledge of the situation in Xinjiang. Even among those aware, the level of understanding and concern can vary greatly depending on factors like media coverage in their region, personal interests, and competing global issues. For many individuals, immediate personal concerns or local issues may take precedence over international human rights situations.

The situation in Xinjiang has raised significant international concern among human rights organisations, some governments, and segments of the public who are aware of the issue.

Human rights organisations have argued that certain actions in Xinjiang violate international law, specifically citing several articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Article 9 of the UDHR prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, a key concern in Xinjiang. Article 23 guarantees the right to free choice of employment, potentially conflicting with reports of forced labour, particularly in cotton production. Additionally, Article 27 affirms the right to freely participate in cultural life, which reported restrictions on religious and cultural practices in the region may contravene. These concerns highlight the complex interplay between international human rights law and the situation in Xinjiang.[35] However, it’s crucial to recognise that public awareness and engagement with these issues can vary significantly across different populations and regions, and many people may be unaware or focused on more immediate personal or local concerns.[36]

Counter-Terrorism Measures and Impact

Chinese efforts to confront Xinjiang terrorists are robust and involve cutting-edge technology. These plans centre on a massive monitoring system with checkpoints, face recognition, and informants. Every aspect of daily life is observed, including religious and cultural practices. In addition to monitoring, the PRC maintains re-education camps where people can learn their jobs. These centres allegedly “de-radicalize” and train Uyghurs and other Muslims to work skills.[37] Many human rights organisations, international governments, and advocacy groups worry about these camps and dispute their purpose worldwide. Prisoners are allegedly taught politics and forced to abandon their faith and culture.[38] Safety has improved due to increased police and tighter anti-terrorism regulations.

Anti-terrorism measures have had a significant impact on Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Re-education and surveillance create dread and distrust, making conventional living difficult. Cultural history is lost due to decreased Uyghur identity, language use, and religious practice. Uyghurs suffer greatly psychically. Residents and visitors feel frightened, apprehensive, and dangerous. Separating families, detentions, and travel limits have made problems in the neighbourhood worse. These limits on movement and activities have impacted the economy because they have messed up standard ways of working and conducting business.

Separating families, detentions, and travel limits have made problems in the neighbourhood worse.

Although the goal of counter-terrorism efforts was to make Xinjiang more stable and safer, the Uyghur population has experienced different outcomes. Specific indicators of these concerns include mass detentions in re-education camps, forced labour, extensive surveillance, restrictions on religious and cultural practices, and reports of torture and inadequate medical care. These issues have led to widespread international concern and condemnation, highlighting the severe impact on the Uyghurs’ daily lives and freedoms. Indicators of these concerns include mass detentions in re-education camps, forced labour, extensive surveillance, restrictions on religious and cultural practices, and reports of torture and inadequate medical care. These issues have led to widespread international concern and condemnation, highlighting the severe impact on their daily lives and freedoms.

Comparative Study

The situation in Xinjiang is similar to and different from the position of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar. The government has harshly suppressed the Rohingya in the name of combating terrorism, just like it has done with the Uyghurs. Myanmar’s military operations, designed to counter insurgency, have been accused of mass executions, burning, and forcing people to flee their homes, causing a refugee crisis. Similar to Xinjiang, complex racial, religious, and political tensions characterise the Rohingya issue, and the government has made the community’s isolation worse.[39] The international response has been a significant difference. The Rohingya issue has drawn increasing censure and requests for international justice, including ICJ proceedings. Xinjiang has seen a relatively muted global response. Another good analogy is the India-Pakistan Kashmir war. India and Pakistan claim Kashmir. The conflict has plagued this region since British India partitioned in 1947. This long-standing dispute has caused several wars and other confrontations between these countries. Both the Kashmir and Xinjiang conflicts stem from complex tribal, religious, and political issues. India controls Jammu and Kashmir, which is predominantly Muslim. Residents have complained about political oppression, human rights violations, and population changes.

India has utilised severe legislation like the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) and the Public Safety Act to tackle the Kashmir militancy. Human rights groups argue that these regulations have caused arbitrary incarceration, unprosecuted killings, and limited speech and assembly. According to reports from human rights organisations like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, as well as testimonies from Uyghur refugees, the implementation of strict surveillance measures, religious restrictions, and mass detentions in Xinjiang has significantly increased feelings of fear, mistrust, and isolation among the local Uyghur population.[40] Unlike the Uyghurs in China, the Kashmir conflict has garnered global attention. The involvement of India and Pakistan, both nuclear-armed nations, elevates the Kashmir issue to an international level, distinguishing it from China’s Xinjiang policy, which is often viewed as a domestic matter. Given the historical and geopolitical significance within the region, this dynamic also suggests that the conflict could be seen as a subcontinental issue. The international community’s interest in Kashmir is also driven by the potential for nuclear escalation, making it a critical point of global concern.[41] This war highlights how difficult it is to combat terrorism and separatist groups in disputed territory while respecting human rights and safety. Kashmir is a prime illustration of how government counter-terrorism initiatives may harm locals. It is comparable to Xinjiang, but the political circumstances and foreign response differ.[42] Comparing these two cases can show how counter-terrorism strategies affect human rights. Harsh tactics may provide short-term security but incite anger and divide communities, worsening long-term instability. In all three cases, the international community highly criticised the state’s violation of human rights. These tactics do not always address political and social concerns that produce anger and may radicalise people; hence, their effectiveness against terrorism is unclear.

These comparative analyses of counter-terrorism approaches in different regions offer valuable insights for policymakers and human rights advocates. Another critical lesson from these case studies is the importance of careful policy formulation and implementation. How policies are crafted and applied can significantly impact their effectiveness and the extent to which they respect human rights. How the world community handles these events determines the outcome. The Kashmir situation demonstrates the complexities of international engagement with long-standing regional conflicts. While various international organisations and human rights groups have raised concerns about specific human rights issues in Kashmir, the effectiveness of global advocacy in this context remains a subject of debate among scholars and policymakers.  Xinjiang and, to a lesser extent, Kashmir situations, on the other hand, show how complicated international diplomacy can be.[43]

How policies are crafted and applied can significantly impact their effectiveness and the extent to which they respect human rights.

Recommendations and Conclusion

The international community must condemn Xinjiang’s human rights abuses and work together to fix the issue. Diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and other efforts should hold the PRC accountable. Nations and international groups should call for an open, impartial examination of the alleged crimes with independent regional monitors. The U.N. should coordinate these actions and ensure a fair and complete investigation. Countries that do business with the PRC should also pressure the Chinese government to uphold human rights and international law. The international community should develop early warning and crisis protection measures to prevent mass human rights crimes. Despite these recommendations, the full implementation of such measures faces significant challenges. The PRC’s considerable economic and political influence on the global stage often deters many countries and international organisations from taking strong action.

Additionally, the PRC’s permanent member status on the UN Security Council allows it to veto resolutions, complicating UN-led efforts. Economic interdependence with the PRC makes many nations hesitant to impose sanctions or apply substantial diplomatic pressure, fearing potential economic repercussions. However, these efforts are hampered by the PRC’s significant economic and political influence globally, which makes countries hesitant to confront it directly.

Economic interdependence with the PRC makes many nations hesitant to impose sanctions or apply substantial diplomatic pressure, fearing potential economic repercussions.

Advocating for increased Uyghur representation and autonomy within the existing Chinese political framework is challenging but crucial. This could be achieved through international pressure to establish legitimate local governance structures, protect cultural and religious rights, and include Uyghur voices in their region’s policy-making processes. However, implementing such changes would require significant shifts in the Chinese governmental approach. This category includes supporting rights groups and activists of Uyghur through their finances or otherwise their time through overseas forums sharing information on the lives of the Uyghurs or through the media to bring them together. Primary efforts should focus on diplomatic engagement and international pressure to address Xinjiang’s political and human rights issues. While educational and cultural exchange programs can support understanding, they must be coupled with concrete political interventions and policy changes to improve the situation for the Uyghur community effectively. Humanitarian assistance should be a significant component of governments’ and nongovernmental groups’ priorities concerning crisis victims. This assistance involves help for forced-moving families, the provision of legal aid for unfairly jailed persons, and the treatment of mental health patients attracted by Xinjiang trauma. The long-term solutions that would make international groups respect the human rights, cultural identity, and autonomy of the Uyghur communities. Key stakeholders, including international human rights organisations, governments, and civil society groups, must collaborate to advocate for and protect the rights of the Uyghur minority.[44] This involves pushing for transparent investigations, supporting Uyghur cultural preservation efforts, and promoting policies that ensure their full and equal participation in society while respecting their human rights and cultural identity.

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Toghrul Iskandarov is a recent graduate M.A. student in International Security with research interests in U.S. policy, security challenges in post-Soviet countries, and migration issues. He has previously published on the topic of human trafficking perception as a reflection of foreign policy rhetoric in Poland. The views contained in this article are the author’s own and do not represent the views of the Global Counter-Terrorism Institute.

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[1] Chiao-Min Hsieh and Victor C. Falkenheim, “Xinjiang,” May 20, 2024, https://www.britannica.com/place/Xinjiang.

[2] Anna Hayes, “‘Who Are the Uyghurs and Why Is the Chinese Government Detaining Them?’,” February 15, 2019, https://researchonline.jcu.edu.au/59154/1/59154_Hayes_et_al_2019.pdf.

[3] Roy Anthony Rogers, “The Radicalisation of Xinjiang: Its Roots and Impact on Human Rights,” An International Journal 4, no. 2: 487–512, accessed May 24, 2024, https://www.proquest.com/openview/d85496661cc3f5a0623542211554c4e3/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=2042768.

[4] Roy Anthony Rogers, “The Radicalisation of Xinjiang: Its Roots and Impact on Human Rights,” An International Journal 4, no. 2: 487–512, accessed May 24, 2024, https://www.proquest.com/openview/d85496661cc3f5a0623542211554c4e3/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=2042768.

[5] “21st Press Conference by Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region on Xinjiang-Related Issues in Beijing,” China-consulate.gov.cn, 2020, http://toronto.china-consulate.gov.cn/eng/zxdt/202012/t20201229_6976462.htm.

[6] “China (Includes Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Macau),” United States Department of State,n.d., https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-report-on-international-religious-freedom/china/#:~:text=Legal%20Framework-.

[7] “Protecting Freedom of Religious Belief,” english.www.gov.cn, n.d., http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2018/04/04/content_281476100999028.htm.

[8] Ibid.

[9] “Xinjiang – United States Department of State,” United States Department of State, May 15, 2023, https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-report-on-international-religious-freedom/china/xinjiang/.

[10] United States Department of State, “2021 Report on International Religious Freedom: China—Xinjiang,” 2022, https://www.state.gov/reports/2021-report-on-international-religious-freedom/china/xinjiang/.

[11] Australian Strategic Policy Institute, “Exploring Xinjiang’s Detention System,” 2020, https://xjdp.aspi.org.au/explainers/exploring-xinjiangs-detention-facilities/.

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